Speeches & Interviews
Interviews
Speeches
Commentary: No time for dictatorship
By Benazir Bhutto CNN.com invited Pakistani opposition leader Benazir Bhutto to reflect on the tumultuous events since her return to Pakistan just over two weeks ago. As she submitted this opinion piece, Pakistan's General Pervez Musharraf imposed a nationwide state of emergency, a move she describes as a "horrific threat" to the country's future.
KARACHI, Pakistan (CNN) -- I have long claimed that the rise of extremism and militancy in Pakistan could not happen without support from elements within the current administration. My return to my country poses a threat to the forces of extremism that have thrived under a dictatorship. They want to stop the restoration of democracy at any price. They have exploited a poor, desperate, and powerless people and allowed extremists the right environment in which to flourish.
The ruling party is an artificial, political party created in the headquarters of the Inter-Services Intelligence (Pakistan's equivalent of the CIA) during the General Elections of 2002. Its core support comes from the political partners of the military dictator of the '80s, General Zia al-Haq, who empowered the most radical elements within the Afghan Mujahedeen who went on to morph into al-Qaeda, Taliban and the Pakistani militants of today.
This party has called for a banning of outdoor rallies, demonstrations and caravans. They would thus suspend all activity that demonstrates to the people of Pakistan and to the people of the world which parties enjoy mass support amongst the people.
On my return to Pakistan last month, throngs of people turned out to welcome me back home. The demand to ban grassroots political activity is a suspicious prelude to what could be an overt attempt to rig the upcoming elections. All people who believe in the process of democracy should reject this attempt to undermine public participation in the campaign and set the table for what I believe would simply be a fraudulent election. Watch as Bhutto expresses fears for the future of her country »
It has now been more than two weeks since the horrific assassination attempt against me and the police have still not filed my complaint. They filed their own report without taking statements from eyewitnesses on the truck targeted for the terrorist attack which resulted in the death of more than 158 of my supporters and security guards.
Soon thereafter, I was asked by authorities not to travel in cars with tinted windows -- which protected me from identification by terrorists -- or travel with privately armed guards.
I began to feel the net was being tightened around me when police security outside my home in Karachi was reduced, even as I was told that other assassination plots were in the offing.
While the authorities speculated on whether a suicide bomber had been involved or two suicide bombers or perhaps a hand grenade or perhaps a car bomb, I reflected on my plight.
I decided not to be holed up in my home, a virtual prisoner. I went to my ancestral village of Larkana to pray at my father's grave. Everywhere, the people rallied around me in a frenzy of joy. I feel humbled by their love and trust.
Although it remains difficult to know for certain, I doubt that a suicide bomber was involved in the attack on me. I suspect, after talking to some of the injured, that the terrorists used a small child as a ploy to get to me. They were trying to hoist the child -- dressed in the colors of my party's flag -- onto my truck.
Failing to do so, they dropped the child near my vehicle. Some witnesses said the child had been rigged as a human bomb. I can't be sure. What followed was a massive explosion, killing scores immediately, tearing many bodies in half and sending blood, gore and flames up into the vehicle.
In less than a minute a second bomb -- reports later suggested a car bomb -- went off.
As I have reflected on the past two weeks, there are some things I wonder about:
• What was the car doing there?
• Why had the street lights been turned off?
• Was that intended to prevent my security from clearly seeing any approaching dangers?
• Is there any truth to the report that a high government official ordered the lights turned off "to prevent her getting so much television coverage"?
• Why would the leadership of the ruling party of Pakistan make a claim that my own party had committed the attack to gain sympathy?
• Why would the investigation be initially given to a police officer who was present when my husband was nearly tortured to death in 1999?
And, then, there is to me the most worrying: the adamant rejection by Islamabad of any assistance from the state-of-the art forensic teams of the FBI and Scotland Yard. There are precedents in Pakistan for such international assistance. Such teams were called in to investigate the mysterious and sudden death of Army Chief General Asif Nawaz and the Egyptian Embassy bombing in the '90s.
I had called in international experts when my brother Murtaza was killed in what I believed was a conspiracy to destabilize my government in 1996.
We can only wonder -- if there is nothing to hide -- why international investigators from the FBI and Scotland Yard are being prevented from assisting a Pakistan-led investigation?
The sham investigation of the October 19 massacre and the attempt by the ruling party to politically capitalize on this catastrophe are discomforting, but do not suggest any direct involvement by General Pervez Musharraf.
Until recently, he had made both public and private commitments to confidence building gestures that would move Pakistan forward in the transition to democracy. But at a time when he should be demonstrating to our country and the world his seriousness in allowing free, fair and transparent elections, he has declared martial law. This can only be seen as a step to entrench his dictatorship.
We must have elections under an independent caretaker government, and neutral administrative officials who have the confidence of all major political parties in the country. And these elections should be under the supervision of an autonomous and competent Election Commission.
It is time that Islamabad facilitates the operation of a rigorous election monitoring mechanism -- both domestic and international -- that can guarantee the sanctity of the ballot and allows election experts to conduct exit polls to insure that the counting reflects the voting.
It is time, in other words, for reconciliation to truly begin that will allow for the mobilization of the moderate majority of my nation and the marginalization of militants, fanatics and extremists.
But for that to happen, General Musharraf will need to revive the constitution by lifting martial law.
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Bhutto rips Musharraf's 'power grab'
By Benazir Bhutto
In 'GMA' interview, calls for free elections, worries her country could fall into terrorists' hands
Pakistan's former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto addresses a news conference, Friday, 26 Oct 2007, in Karachi, Pakistan. (Andrew Drake/AP Photo)
From 'GMA', 4 November 2007
Former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto has a harsh assessment of President Pervez Musharraf's declaration of a state of emergency Saturday, describing it as a simple "political power grab."
"Gen. Musharraf needs to be told very plainly that it's important for Pakistan that the constitution be restored, that the judiciary be respected, that political prisoners be released, and that fair, free, and independent elections be held under an independent election commission," Bhutto told ABC News' "Good Morning America Weekend Edition" on Sunday.
Musharraf has cracked down on local media by blacking it out and compared himself to U.S. president Abraham Lincoln, saying he believes suspending some civil liberties will help ensure democracy in his country.
Bhutto was in Dubai when Pakistan's state of emergency began, but managed to get back into Pakistan overnight. Following is more of her interview below with ABC News' Bill Weir.
Bill Weir, ABC News: Do you believe that this is an actual state of emergency, or do you see this as purely a political power grab?
Benazir Bhutto, former prime minister of Pakistan: It is a political power grab, which has cost the nation our constitution. Gen. Musharraf has used his powers as army chief to suspend the constitution. So I'd like to clarify that this is not an emergency enforced by the president of Pakistan. The army chief has suspended the constitution and promulgated a new provisional constitution for the country.
Weir: [Musharraf] is cracking down on judges, suspending the constitution, as you said, shutting off the media. Yet you were allowed to land back in the country after landing in Dubai. Why do you think that is?
Bhutto: I was quite surprised that I was allowed to land and was not arrested at the airport. Maybe it has got to do with the fact that I have an international profile and arresting me would give a negative image to the government.
Maybe Gen. Musharraf still wants to keep the doors of negotiation open. I can't answer for him, but I do know the suspension of our constitution has derailed the democratic process and put into jeopardy the timetable of the holding of elections in my country. And while Gen. Musharraf says he wants to fight extremism, I don't know how that can be done unless the people are involved and empowered.
Weir: Will you try to take your supporters to the streets now?
Bhutto: I'm consulting with other political parties. We're going to come up with a common set of demands. We're going to ask for the immediate restoration of the constitution; for Gen. Musharraf to step aside as the chief of army staff; to respect the judiciary; free the political prisoners; establish an independent election commission to hold fair, free, and impartial elections.
If Gen. Musharraf responds to our demands, then I believe we can tide the crisis. But if he tries to defend the imposition of martial law -- because that's what it is, martial law -- then it would certainly bring him into confrontation with the political forces of the country.
Weir: Other oppositional leaders have been put under house arrest thus far. Who presents the most present danger to you personally right now -- Musharraf's people, or the terrorists who tried to assassinate you back in Karachi?
Bhutto: There's a very slim line between what are called Musharraf's people and the terrorists who tried to kill me in Karachi. I have long held that the forces that supported an earlier military dictatorship in Pakistan in the '80s, which formed the Iran mujahadin, have crept into the administration and security services under Gen. Musharraf, and they have covertly aided and abetted the rise of extremism and militancy.
They have focused their attention against the very civil and political institutions that build a tolerant society. They have consistently attacked the press, the court system, the judicial system, and political parties. I feel that their attention should be on the extremists, but they look the other way. A terrorist three days ago gave a threat that he would kill me in Bindi, in a public press conference; and I was surprised that the police didn't arrest him. The administration didn't clamp down on his press conference, and it's just unbelievable that 'wanted' terrorist leaders can actually hold press conferences in my country.
Weir: Do you accuse the general of being complicit in all of this, or is he blind to it?
Bhutto: I don't accuse Gen. Musharraf directly of being complicit in all this. But I do believe that the ruling party, called the PMLQ, that was put together during the last elections in 2002, was put together in the headquarters of a powerful intelligence agency, known as the ISI.
And that ruling party has some moderates in it, but the core support or the core strength lies in the hands of those people who were the political allies of the military dictator of the '80s, who formed the Iran mujahedin, who later went on to become Taliban and al Qaeda. And unless those elements are cleansed from our administration and security apparatus, I simply don't see how we are going to turn the tide against extremism.
Weir: So do you believe -- just so we can keep the players straight here -- you believe this faction is deliberately trying to destabilize Gen. Musharraf's government so that they can take power?
Bhutto: I believe that this faction is using Gen. Musharraf's acceptability to the international community to bring in the money, which, by the way, is not going to the people of Pakistan because poverty has increased in Pakistan over the last five years. But I believe that this faction is using Gen. Musharraf's moderate image to actually covertly and clandestinely expand the entire extremist structure within the country. And if we take look at the balance sheet, we will see that a demoralized Taliban and al Qaeda have regrouped.
They have not only regrouped, but today they exercise large influences in the tribal areas of Pakistan which serve, in some parts, as safe havens for them. They're knocking on the doors of the Frontier Province and other states in Pakistan. And they have their eye on Islamabad, too.
Weir: If you were still prime minister, how would you crack down on these terrorists? How would you stop the violence?
Bhutto: I would put together a team of moderate officials who had no sympathy for the militants and the extremists, so I could get good intelligence; and I could get good action against the militants whenever they tried any of their activities. And secondly, I would involve the people. The people must be mobilized.
Weir: Gen. Musharraf, in his speech last night, compared himself to Abraham Lincoln, and suspending some civil liberties for the greater good, to preserve the union. That seems like a direct message to the United States. What does this move say about Gen. Musharraf's relationship with the United States, doing this despite great protest from this side of the Atlantic?
Bhutto: Certainly, Gen. Musharraf is trying to convey to the international community that the reason he has acted is because he wants to contain terrorism. But many people in Pakistan believe that it has nothing to do with stopping terrorism and it has everything to do with stopping a court verdict that is coming against him, for holding the dual offices of army chief and president. Poor President Lincoln, he must be turning in his grave.
Weir: But the United States has been sending billions of dollars to the Musharraf government there. Does this signify a cut-off between that relationship?
Bhutto: When the United States sends billions of dollars, the United States needs to ask, where has the money gone? At the end of the day, there isn't accountability. And when I look at the situation in Pakistan, I see that poverty and unemployment has increased. The United States is the world's greatest democracy and Gen. Musharraf made a commitment: he made a commitment to the international community
He made a commitment to the people of Pakistan that he would hold fair, free and impartial elections, scheduled for this year, in fact scheduled to start on Nov. 15. So, I would like to ask the international community to use that aid and to use that leverage to hold Gen. Musharraf firm to the commitment that he made. He must not be allowed to break that commitment.
It is in Pakistan's interest if fair elections are held; and if Gen. Musharraf truly wants to find extremism and truly wants to emulate great leaders like Abraham Lincoln, then he needs to know that such policies lie in following freedom, democracy and building a moderate society by strengthening the judiciary, strengthening the political parties and civil society, not muzzling the press and arresting political activists.
Weir: Finally how concerned should Americans be about what is happening there right now? How close to the brink is Pakistan?
Bhutto: I think Americans should be very concerned about what is happening in Pakistan, because whatever happens in Pakistan is going to have a spill-over effect on Afghanistan, on the NATO troops there and the larger world community. But as far as I'm concerned, as a Pakistani, I'm very, very concerned because I feel that the radicals are gaining in strength.
And I feel they are trying to take advantage of the dictatorship, to spread their extremism and militancy. Extremism feeds off dictatorship and dictatorship feeds off extremism. Dictatorship needs the extremists to tell the rest of the world, "We're the good guys; support us or the extremists will take over." And in the meantime, the extremists need the dictatorship, which neglects the rights of the people, the wants of the people, the needs of the people. And by exploiting that, they advance. I'm very worried for Pakistan's future. My country is threatened with a radical take-over unless we can restore democracy, bring regime change, and put into place an administration that is clean and has no sympathies with these militants and terrorists.
Weir: Would you advocate any sort of American or United Nations intervention if things get worse?
Bhutto: At this stage, as a Pakistani, I would not like to see any military intervention by the United States or by the United Nations. I would like to see a government of Pakistan that can control its own territory. I would like to see a government of Pakistan that can flush out the militants.
But my fear is, if the government of Pakistan collapses internally, its internal security is not maintained; my nightmare scenario is that the country will descend into chaos. Then the United Nations or other troops will be sucked into a chaotic Pakistan.
We've got to avert that; and the way to avert that is for regime change, so we can get a government which restores law and order in Pakistan, restores the control of the government, and a government that can work with Afghanistan. Together, co-operate with the NATO troops and eliminating the terrorists and the militants who are trying to hold both the people in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
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Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto formally demands international assistance
By Benazir Bhutto
Addresses letter to Interior Secretary with copies to Gen Musharraf and UN Security Council
Islamabad, October 26, 2007: Former Prime Minister and Chairperson Pakistan Peoples Party Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto today formally asked the government of Pakistan through a letter asking it to request assistance from the US and the Britain in carrying out investigations in the October 19 bombing of her rally.
In the letter sent today to the Interior Secretary the former prime minister said that the PPP "asks you to immediately assist the poorly equipped Pakistan Police investigation with the sophisticated technology and scientific techniques available to Scotland Yard and FBI to assist in the investigation and bring the culprits to book."
It is important for the unity of integrity of Pakistan that the terrorists be apprehended and brought to justice, she said.
She reminded that the UN Security Council on October 22 in a unanimous resolution has spoken of the need to "bring perpetrators, organizers, financiers and sponsors of this reprehensible act of terrorism to justice" and urged all states to cooperate actively with the Pakistani authorities in this regard.
Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto said that Home office (Sindh) has sent her letters which made her feel more vulnerable to terrorist attacks.
Instead of relaxing the ban on tinted windows and the ban on display of public weapons they had asked her to travel in transparent windows and asked her not to protect herself in public with privately armed guards. She demanded the government to review these decisions.
Highlighting the threats to herself she said On October 23, 2007, the
terrorists and their hidden supporters sent another threat to her.
In it the terrorists threatened to slaughter both Mr. Naek and herself in the same manner as goats are slaughtered, she wrote in her letter to the Interior Secretary.
Reminding the government that the deaths of Liaquat Ali Khan, Gen Zia, Gen Asif Nawaz and Mir Murtaza Bhutto had been never been properly resolved because of poor investigations, Mohtarma Bhutto said that the terrorists had been emboldened by Pakistani investigators who lacked scientific and forensic means to crack the case and bring the terrorists to justice.
She said she was confident that the required expertise would be invited on an emergency basis, given the enormity of the crime, the loss of lives incurred and the direct threat to her life.
Copies of the letter were also endorsed to Gen Pervez Musharraf, UN Security Council, Chief Justice of Pakistan and Chief Justice of Sindh High Court.
Following is the text of her letter:
To,
The Secretary Interior
Government of Pakistan
Islamabad
Subject: International Experts for Bhutto Targeted Terrorist Attack
The terrorist bomb attacks on October 19, 2007 at 12:06 hours that resulted in the mass murder of 140 innocent citizens and injuries to over 500 people was a direct assassination attempt on me (the former Prime Minister of Pakistan).
This dastardly attack was facilitated by the darkened streets of Shahra-e-Faisal where all the lights were shut off.
Before my arrival in Pakistan, I had informed General Musharraf of the threat to my life.
The procession of over 3 million people was heading from the Airport to Mazar-e-Quaid and our security could not see the attackers due to the darkness.
An FIR was lodged at the Bahadurabad Police Station within 3 hours of the incident. This should not have been lodged without taking information from me or the PPP leadership who were on the truck targeted with me. An application was submitted for registration of an authenticated FIR and is pending decision with police officials for this terrible terrorist crime.
Home office (Sindh) has sent me letters which make me feel more vulnerable to terrorist attacks. Instead of relaxing the ban on tinted windows and the ban on display of public weapons they have asked me to travel in transparent windows (where assassins can easily spot me) and asked me not to protect myself in public with privately armed guards. Could the government review these decisions that not only make me feel more vulnerable to attack but by their nature make me as concerned as the darkened lights on Shahra-e-Faisal helped attackers.
The terrorist attack was an attempt to derail the democratic process. Several terrorist attacks, including the Islamabad Bomb attacks of July 17, 2007 attack during Chief Justices visit to Karachi on May 12, attack on Sunni Tehrik leaders, on Aabpara market have remained unsolved.
The terrorists have been emboldened by the inability of Pakistani investigators, who lack scientific and forensic means, to crack the case and bring the terrorists to justice.
To ensure terrorists do not dictate the agenda by disrupting the forthcoming election campaign the real culprits behind the terrorist attack must be apprehended immediately.
Therefore on behalf of the Pakistan Peoples Party, I propose the Government of Pakistan have the Pakistan led Police inquiry assisted by either the FBI or Scotland Yard which have the latest scientific and technological means to investigate terrorist crimes.
The United Nations Security Council on October 22, 2007, in a unanimous resolution spoke of 'the need to bring perpetrators, organisers, financiers and sponsors of this reprehensible act of terrorism to justice' and urged all states to 'cooperate actively with the Pakistani authorities in this regard'.
On October 23, 2007, the terrorists and their hidden supporters sent another threat to me. A letter was delivered to the Supreme Court Bar and given to National Accountability Bureau Deputy Prosecutor who gave it to my defence council Farooq Naek. In it the terrorists threatened to slaughter both Mr. Naek and myself in the same manner as goats are slaughtered.
These unislamic terrorists are waging war on the people of Pakistan including the armed forces. They think they can move with impunity because their organisers, sponsors and financers think they won't get caught.
It is important for the unity and integrity of Pakistan as well as for the right of life, liberty, property and pursuit of happiness of our people that the terrorist be apprehended and brought to justice.
It is in this spirit that Pakistan Peoples Party asks you to immediately assist the poorly equipped Pakistan Police investigation with the sophisticated technology and scientific techniques available to Scotland
Yard and FBI to assist in the investigation and bring the culprits to book. We urge you to quickly request the assistance of investigators from US and Britain.
We may remind you that the deaths of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, General Zia-ul-Haq, General Asif Nawaz and Mir Murtaza Bhutto MPA, have never been properly resolved because of poor investigation.
Bearing the above facts in mind, it is imperative that international expertise in scientific, forensic and technical fields, be sought, to assist the Pakistan based inquiry into the bomb blasts.
I am confident that the required expertise will be invited on an emergency basis, given the enormity of the crime, the loss of lives incurred, and the direct threat to my life.
Sincerely,
(Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto)
C.C:General Pervez Musharraf
United Nations Security Council
Chief Justice, Supreme Court of Pakistan
Chief Justice High Court of Sindh
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There may another attempt to murder me: Benazir
By Benazir Bhutto
New Delhi: In Pakistan, preparations are on for former premier Benazir Bhutto's visit to her ancestral home of Larkana in a southern remote corner of the country.
She has asked the Government for permission to travel in a convoy of cars with tinted windows in the wake of last week's suicide blasts in Karachi.
Benazir spoke with CNN about the blasts and said she knows who is behind the attack.
CNN: What do you think, will someone try and kill you again?
Benazir Bhutto: Well, it's very difficult to say but yes, maybe when I go to Larkana, my home town, there could be another attempt.
CNN: You have already a received number of threats. What else can you tell us?
Benazir Bhutto: I've had several threats. One is Larkana. The second one I was informed of by some friends that when I went to Islamabad someone will attack me. The third one was that someone would butcher me like an animal.
CNN: The relationship between you and General Musharraf is not good.
Benazir Bhutto: I don't despise General Musharraf. In fact both of us have been targetted several times.
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BB hints at political realignment
Irfan Ali
* Ex-PM to visit Larkana on Saturday
* Rejects Code of Conduct, says all parties must be consulted
* Unhappy with Karachi blasts probe
* All madrassa students must be registered
KARACHI: Former prime minister Benazir Bhutto hinted on Thursday about the realignment of political forces, urging “moderate democratic forces” to counter the politics of the remnants of former military dictator General Ziaul Haq, whose Afghan policy she said was one of the root causes of terrorism in Pakistan.
Larkana visit: She also announced that she would visit her hometown of Larkana for the first time in eight years on Saturday. “I announce my Larkana visit in advance but sometimes I will be making unannounced visits for security concerns,” she told a group of journalists at Bilawal House. She said this was so terrorists did not have information in advance about her movements.
She said President General Pervez Musharraf and Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz were among the moderates in the present regime, as they too had been attacked by suicide bombers. “I don’t want suicide attacks to be made on others but it remains a point that neither federal minister Ijazul Haq nor PML-Q President Chaudhry Shujaat were ever attacked by suicide bombers,” she said.
Code of conduct: The former PM rejected the code of conduct for the elections, saying that all opposition parties should have been consulted. She rejected accusations that she had hurt the national reconciliation process by making allegations about those behind the attack on her homecoming rally on October 18, saying that government officials should be condemning terrorists, not the PPP.
Investigation: The PPP chief said that she was dissatisfied with the investigation into the twin bomb blasts targeting her rally. “The police give a different story every day. It is inept handling of the case,” she said. “Don’t show us the heads of suicide bombers. Tell us about the sponsors, organisers and financers of the suicide bombing.”
She repeated her demand that foreign experts be asked to assist in the investigation, as American or British forensics experts would have modern equipment and facilities for DNA testing needed for the inquiry that Pakistan does not have.
Ms Bhutto said she had written to the interior secretary asking for two police mobile units to guard her in addition to the two already doing the job.
Madrassas: She made a distinction between “religious madrassas” that taught Arabic and the Quran, and “political madrassas” that had become weapons depots and were teaching their students to hate non-Muslims. She said all madrassa students should be documented
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Interview of Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto:‘We want to save Pakistan’
Ann Curry
In her first American television interview since the assassination attempt against her, former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto sits down with NBC News' Ann Curry. The exclusive interview will air Monday, October 22, on TODAY.
Bhutto tells Curry she knew an assassination attempt would be made against her and that people would be at risk.
Here are excerpts from the interview:
* Please note: This is a rough transcript; there may be some misspellings and unintelligible remarks. *
Bhutto on whether she knew about a possible assassination attempt and whether she regrets returning to Pakistan:
Ann Curry: "If you had not returned these, people would not have died. These women would have their husbands. They would have their children. These 140 people would be alive. These 500 people would not have been wounded.
This must feel very painful for you to know that with your decision to come back would cause not suffering but started this chain reaction. Do you regret coming back now seeing what has happened?"
Benazir Bhutto: "I don't."
Curry: "You knew it was going to happen."
Bhutto: "I knew an attempt would be made."
Curry: "So, you knew that people would be at risk."
Bhutto: "I knew people would be at risk."
Curry: "So, was it worth that risk, given what has happened?"
Bhutto: "And the people who came knew that there would be a risk. They put their lives on the line. And I put my life on the line. And we did it because we believe in a cause. We want to save Pakistan. And we think saving Pakistan comes by saving democracy.
We know democracy means the empowerment of the poor people, the ordinary people, the dispossessed, the downtrodden and the discriminated. So, the people who can put their lives on the line, I put my life on the line. Because God forbid if there is a Taliban takeover, well, everybody's life will be at risk anyway. They went around killing people. They went around denying girls knowledge. They went around bankrupting Afghanistan to the extent that people were poor and desperate and hungry. And the only jobs on offer were to join the Taliban irregular forces to wage war against other countries and other innocent people."
Curry: "Even if you don't regret returning, because your ideals, as you just described them, are high, do you regret how they returned [unintel phrase]? That is a 20-minute drive. It took 10 hours. It was a very slow-moving motorcade surrounded by millions of people. When you knew — when you knew you were at risk, that you could be putting them at risk, did you make the right choice to come back in this way?"
Bhutto: "I ... Ann, I find this question very uncomfortable."
Curry: "Of course, you do [unintel phrase] ...
Bhutto: "The reas— no, let me tell you why. Let me tell you why, for me it validates terrorism and extremism. I know that's not how you mean it.
But for me it validates terrorism and extremism.
It means that terrorists can force us to change our values. It means that terrorists can dictate the agenda. It means that terrorists, by threatening violence, can take over nations and destroy the quality of life of their people. And that's the reason it makes me uncomfortable.
It was no secret to me that I could be attacked. I chose to return and put my life on the line to defend a principle I believe in. I never forced [unintel] anyone to come out to the airport to receive me. They chose to come because they wanted to bring change, to bring democracy and to save their motherland from disintegrating.
And I don't think the terrorists succeeded because we took 10 hours. I think the terrorists succeeded because the lights were off and they could move under cover of darkness without being intercepted by us. But even on the outside chance, even if the lights had not been off, even if we had failed to detect them, at the end of the day, I have to ask that can we validate terrorism and extremism and say, "Let's give up. Because if we don't give up trying to save our values and trying to save our land then we'll get killed."
Curry: "To risk so much there must be strong evidence that what you're risking for might come through. What is the real chance that your coming back will bring democracy, democratic freedom back again given the complications, given Musharaff difficulty, given the dilemma — given the extremists? What is the real chance that all of these lives that have been lost, and with the risk still ongoing, the lives still threatened will be worth your return?"
Bhutto: "Well, I feel as I can only answer for myself. Everybody has to make this choice for themselves. I can only say I feel saving Pakistan by saving democracy is worth putting my life on the line.
This is my country. I've seen what happened to Afghanistan when the Taliban took over. I saw what happened in Iran when there was a revolution. There were millions of refugees. Homes were destroyed.
Dictatorship came. And it — decades — decades since that happened, both events happened in the '70s. I don't want people of Pakistan to be made into refugees. I don't want people of Pakistan to live in fear that some terrorist is going to come knocking on the door and kill them inside their homes."
Bhutto describing the attack:
Curry: "You have survived one of the deadliest attacks in Pakistan. What is your strongest memory of it?"
Bhutto: "My memory was of the light and the dead bodies. Because when we were moving in the procession, the street lights had been shut. And all along I was very worried about the street lights shut. I knew my security wouldn't be able to spot a suicide bomber with a heavy jacket or a car bomber coming toward us in the darkness. So, we kept trying to contact people in the government to get the street lights turned on."
Curry: "You're saying while you're in the motorcade, you were at that moment worried about the suicide bomber enough that you were calling the government asking for help?"
Bhutto: "That's right. That's right. I had been cautioned. General Musharaff had asked me to delay my return to Pakistan. And he had very kindly shared with me information that he had received about four possible suicide squads being sent to kill me.
But I felt that if I did not return then they would threaten me the next time and the next time. And that the objective was to stop the transition to democracy, not just my return on October 18th. So, we took a lot of precaution of security. And we were confident about the caution as much as a person can be.
But when the sun set and it got dark we got worried. Because we knew that in the darkness we couldn't see. Then we got some floodlights.
And we tried to move the floodlight over the crowds and over the bridges. But the floodlight could only show a sliver of people. And most of the people we could not see.
And — after the bomb blast, the vaheco [PH] squad fire. So — we could then see what had happened. And as the vehicles burned I could see twisted bodies, glass, blood all over. And it was a dreadful sight because these [unintel] had been walking alongside our truck. And suddenly they'd been thrown. And people from our truck had also been thrown. But luckily they survived.
So, my first sight — I'd never seen a sight like this. This was, I hope, my last but definitely my first sight. And it's just too much blood and gore on everybody's clothes."
Curry: "When you heard the first blast and the ... second blast, what went through your mind?"
Bhutto: "I knew it was a suicide attack or a car bomb. Because after the first attack went off I would doing my speech of my political secretary. So, we were sitting and reading the speech which I was to give later in the day. And when the first noise came she tried to get up saying, "Let me see if it's a firecracker."
And I at once stopped her. I said, 'Wait. Let's wait and see what is,' I respond to her. She [unintel] to me. And then came the second sound, much louder than the first sound, and a sort of crunching noise and glass shattering.
Curry: "Was your vehicle affected? Did it move, jump, anything? Did you feel anything? Or was it just the sound?"
Bhutto: "No, no, the vaheco rocked from the first blast. We had this armored truck that had been prepared. And if we had been lower on the ground, we would be dead. And we still don't know whether it was a suicide bomber or a car bomb. Because later on we felt that a car had come up. And that there was a car that moved.
We don't know whether the bomber came in the car or whether there were two different groups of bombers. But I have asked the government of Pakistan to hold an independent inquiry headed by a credible police officer and ask them to seek international assistance. When I talk to the British — the British government as well as the secretary of state, I mention to both of them my conversation with the government inviting international assistance to a Pakistan-led inquiry. Because that ..."
Curry: "Why? Why do you want international assistance into the investigation as to why you were attacked? Do you not trust the government to do the investigation on it?"
Bhutto: "No, I trust the government. But I think that the international community has greater expertise. I also feel that there are elements within our administration who were associated with the past military dictatorship which had founded the Afghan mujahadeen, and because of the friends of — the friendship or the bonds that grew up at that time, they might not be able to do such a thorough job. Or because of a lack of expertise they might not be able to such a thorough job. So, I would like to see an independent, credible investigation assisted by the international community with — expertise in anti-terrorism so that we can get to the bottom of the militants."
Bhutto on naming three people she believes are plotting against her:
Ann Curry: "You have named three people. Before you arrived you sent a letter to President Musharaff naming three people, all three high-ranking officials in this government. And you accused them or said they were plotting against you. What is your evidence? Who gave you this evidence?"
Bhutto: "I know who the — my enemies are. I know the forces that supported dictatorship. Because they feel that dictatorship provides the environment in which militancy, extremism and terrorism can thrive."
Curry: "But how did you know these three enough to write a letter and name them. You must have known something to do so."
Bhutto: "Well, they had been against me for a very long time. They have tried to stop me. They've tried to stop my party from returning. And I had information that they were continuing to meet with my political opponents.
And I knew that these are — [unintel phrase] political opponents, it's a long history. It goes back to 1977 when military dictator of the '80s, all through my father's government, and said that he was acting in the name of Islam and that he wanted to bring an Islamic system into the country. So, this battle that has now erupted onto the international stage was actually a — a battle that began long ago in the streets of Pakistan."
Curry: "Did the United States tip you off that you were in danger? Did the United States, I mean, help you name these three?"
Bhutto: "No, no, United States didn't tip me off about the attacks. Nor did they help me name these three people. In fact, these three people, when named by me, a brotherly country gave information — a Muslim country gave information to the government of Pakistan, to General Musharaff, which General Musharaff shared with me about the suicide bombers.
But my enmity and [unintel] people who want to stop me, who want to stop democracy, I know who they are. I know they stop me earlier. I know that these — some of them destabilize my government in 1996. And I know they don't want me returning. Because they think that democracy will — weaken their stranglehold on power and will basically undermine their whole agenda of taking on another superpower after having defeated one."
Curry: "One of these three is a close friend of President Musharaff. He is the chief of intelligence."
Bhutto: "Well —"
Curry: "So, is it not risky to name a close friend of the president to the president as being someone who's plotting against you?"
Bhutto: "Well, at that time I did not know whether there would be an assassination attempt that I would survive. And I wanted to leave on record the suspects. I also didn't know that he was a friend of General Musharaff.
But I asked myself that even if I knew that he was a friend and I thought of him as a suspect, would I have not written? No, I would have written. Because I must name the people who I think will go to any expense to stop me because they want to stop democracy, because they feel without me the People's Party will become factionalized and that there will be not national alternative to forming a government through an election. So, they will always be able to influence the cobbling together of coalition.
And all I want is an independent inquiry. If the man is innocent, let a credible international inquiry show that. But there are forces that want to stop democracy. And those forces are trying to stop me because they know that I have the support of the people of Pakistan."
Curry:"Are you saying you believe you were targeted my members of Musharaff's government?"
Bhutto: "I won't — don't want to be misinterpreted on this.
Curry: "I know you don't. But you are saying that three members of his government, high-ranking members are those you are worried may be plotting against you.
Bhutto: "Not all three, not all three, one of them — I mean, not all three are members of the government."
Curry: "Well, I mean."
Bhutto: "And one of them — no, no, let me tell you. One of them is not a member of the government. And — General Musharaff says that that person is already under some observance. As far as another member is concerned, he has openly made his opposition to me known, which I don't mind.
Because politicians have opposition. But it is my information that his son fought — was associate with the militant group called Natiterabom [PH]. And it is now in the newspaper that under his influence one of the People's Islamist militants has been released from prison and taken to the VIP — ward of the hospital. So, I mean, there are these — I know he has connections with militant groups. And then, of course, there is a third individual who you have named which I have not named. I've not named about publicly other than in my letter. And I want these people —"
Curry: "Investigated?"
Bhutto: "Well, yes, I — I want — let me say I want the terrorist attack that killed 140 people and wounded — 300.
Curry: "It could have been 500."
Bhutto: "More than ..."
Curry: "The numbers are above 500 now."
Bhutto: "Some say 500, yes, that's right. Wounded so many people investigated. Because I do not believe that militancy in Pakistan could have succeeded until the sympathizers of the militants had infiltrated the administrative and security apparatus."
Curry: "You're saying —"
Bhutto: "And now I'm to —"
Curry: "That, in fact, the government did not — did not — that members of the government did not organize this. You're saying that it could not have been — it could not have happened had it not been for the collusion of of some members of the government?"
Bhutto: "I know some members have ties with the militants. I just — I know it. They've defended suicide bombings. They've done this publicly."
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Going Home to Pakistan: We Represent the Future
Benazir Bhutto arrives in Karachi with a prescription for her country
By Benazir Bhutto
As I board the plane that takes me home to Pakistan today, I carry with me a manuscript of a book I am writing that will be published shortly.
It is a treatise on the reconciliation of the values of Islam and the West and a prescription for a moderate and modern Islam that marginalizes religious extremists, returns the military from politics to their barracks, treats all citizens and especially women with full and equal rights, selects its leaders by free and fair elections, and provides for transparent, democratic governance that addresses the social and economic needs of the people as its highest priority.
To me, this is not just a book but a campaign manifesto, a guide to governing. If the people of Pakistan honour me again with an opportunity to lead, I fully intend to practise what I preach, to have my actions match my rhetoric and to make Pakistan a positive model for one billion Muslims around the world.
For 60 years, my nation has lurched between military dictatorships and democracy. The promise that is Pakistan has been stifled by political oppression and economic stagnation. For almost a decade, we have been ruled by a military dictatorship. For the past five years, we have been challenged by an international terrorism movement that seems, unfortunately, to have the tribal areas of Pakistan at its very epicentre. These are not ordinary times, and they require extraordinary solutions.
Over the past several months, I have negotiated with General Pervez Musharraf to simultaneously ensure a transition to democracy in Pakistan and to mobilize the moderate middle of our society to confront and contain fanatics and extremists. It has been a difficult process, made even more difficult by the resistance of many who now enjoy power in Pakistan to accepting a democratic alternative.
But the long discussions have borne some fruit. In September, Gen. Musharraf promised Pakistan's Supreme Court he would retire from the post of army chief before taking the oath of office for President for a new term. This month, the government of Pakistan announced a set of confidence-building measures codified initially in the Ordinance of National Reconciliation to pave the way for a legitimate and accountable Parliament.
It is not a perfect agreement, and it certainly is not an end to the process. But it is an important beginning to the transition to democracy, with the goal of bringing reform and political change without the chaos and bloodshed under which extremism and militancy thrive. In the next phase, more confidence-building measures are expected.
As I board the plane to Pakistan, I am fully aware that the supporters of the Taliban and al-Qaeda have publicly threatened my assassination.
Taliban leader Baitullah Mehsud has said his terrorists will "welcome" me on my return. Everyone understands the meaning of these comments. And I fully understand the men behind al-Qaeda. They have tried to assassinate me twice before. The Pakistan People's Party and I represent everything they fear the most - moderation, democracy, equality for women, information and technology. We represent the future of a modern Pakistan, a future that has no place in it for ignorance, intolerance and terrorism.
The forces of moderation and democracy must, and will, prevail against extremism and dictatorship. I will not be intimidated. I will step out on the tarmac in Karachi not to complete a journey, but to begin one. Despite the death threats, I will not acquiesce to tyranny, but lead the fight against it.
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